How numerate are you?

Posted by Christie Malry on July 16, 2010 at 10:32 am

Many jobs, not just accounting ones, require a basic level of mathematics. And, as a result, employers for many entry-level positions are tending to rely upon numeracy tests to ensure that they can distinguish between the sheep and the goats.

Some time ago, I got spammed by topemployers.co.uk.  Ordinarily this would be the prelude to a cruel evisceration, leading to a terrible character assassination and the loss of several jobs and even limbs.

However, while mooching around their website looking for information to use against them, I find this superb online numeracy test.  There are actually two tests - a "normal" test that you must complete within 15 minutes and an "advanced" test that has a 10 minute limit.

it's not clear whether you're supposed to do the tests in your head or whether you can use a calculator.  I presumed that it was meant to be mental, and as a result got 8/10 on the "normal test" in about 10 minutes, with the two wrong answers being awfully close to the real answer.

How well do you think you can do?

Are HMRC inspectors bent?

Posted by Christie Malry on July 16, 2010 at 10:29 am

To his credit, Ritchie has allowed a number of critical comments from a guy called 'Martin' through his direwall.  Martin has been taking him to task over his claim that fraud in the public sector is contributing to the tax gap:

I have still yet to see evidence that HMRC officials are taking bungs to collect less than the legally required amount of tax from citizens. I just think the quote you made should have been backed up by proof - it is just too wild a claim to idly pass off like that. And I have noticed a lot of your claims are simply passed off as fact. Your logic and reasoning are spectactularly flawed at times.

Ritchie replies:

Hardly surprising I did not answer your allegation

I never made the suggestion you thought I should respond to in the first place

Of course I did not say that HMRC are taking bungs

I said their was fraud in the public sector

And there is, as a matter of fact

I’m sorry - but on this basis your assertions are wrong. If you will argue with straw men rather than what I say it does not help your cause

I picked up the HMRC smear in my review of the Tax Gap Briefing 1.  What he says (emphasis added) is:

Nor should they argue that the shadow economy does not extend to the state sector where it takes a different form in terms of bribes and other payments made to officials, a problem little acknowledged but which is universal and which also contributes to the tax gap.

The emphasised bit is important.  I don't deny that there is fraud in the public sector.  But let's remember what the tax gap is - it's the difference between what we expect to raise in revenue from the tax system and what we actually manage to raise.  There are only three components to the gap - tax evasion (people lying and cheating), tax avoidance (people stretching the law in ways it was never intended) and failure to pay.

Martin concluded, as did I, that Ritchie was suggesting that people were paying HMRC officials to settle tax obligations at amounts less than the legal amount recoverable.  There is no other way that fraud in the public sector can contribute to the tax gap.  If this is indeed what he's saying then it's a very serious smear and needs to be substantiated.  And, given the seriousness of the allegation, Ritchie needs to either back it up or withdraw it.

Alternatively, perhaps he just made a mistake and meant to say "and which also contributes to the deficit". 

Either way, he needs to fix this - and fast.

[Martin also rightly takes him to task over his errors on late payment of tax]

Notes:

  1. See the collaborative review version, p.15 - direct link

EC needs to get its own house in order on gender equality

Posted by Christie Malry on July 16, 2010 at 9:53 am

Via a tweet from Ruth Bender which led to a post on Robert Goddard's excellent Corporate Law and Governance blog, we learn that the government is getting terribly worried about gender equality in the boardroom.  And then there's this, from the Guardian:

The European commission has warned companies that if they do not move voluntarily to ensure gender balance on executive boards, it will force them to.

Fundamental rights commissioner Viviane Reding told the European parliament: "Equality in decision-making is not yet a fact ... I do not rule out the possibility of putting forward legislation in this area."

I think this is based on a very dangerous and flawed line of reasoning.  Broadly speaking, it goes like this:  Boardrooms are full of white, middle class, public school educated men.  Boards sometimes fail to take account of major risks because they get sucked into this sort of 'groupthink'.  Therefore, what's needed is some outside influence from a more diverse range of people.  Women are currently underrepresented in boards.  Therefore, we need to ensure that there are more women in the boardroom.

While this might be compelling, the conclusions cannot be derived from the axioms.  It's far from obvious that the way to fix short-sighted boards is to force them to choose from a smaller pool of candidates without any regard for their skills.  Nor is it clear that, once these outsiders have been thrust upon boards, they'll be able to exercise any influence whatsoever.

What's needed is some evidence.  And a good place to look would be the public sector, because public bodies generally have the luxury of playing social science like this, in a way most private bodies do not.  So, it's instructive to look at the European Union's structures and its own gender balance.

The European Commission has 9 women and 18 men.  That's hardly balanced (although some might argue less imbalanced than many company boards).  The Commission also includes Baroness Ashton, widely mocked for being pitifully underqualified for her role as EU Foreign Affairs Head Honcho.

The European Parliament has 256 women and 479 men.  Again, horribly imbalanced.  Yet one cannot claim that this merely reflects the whims of sexist voters; company boards are subject to elections as well.

It seems extraordinary that the European Union should be pressurising company boards to take on more women, without substantive evidence, while itself being so unwilling to address its own gender imbalances.  If it's really the right course of action to be taking, and I remain unconvinced that it is, the EU must move first.

On whether the Tax Justice Network is dominated by Richard Murphy

Posted by Christie Malry on July 15, 2010 at 4:18 pm

Bob Bauman has upset Ritchie. And Ritchie lets him know it.

Or could it just be that like most of his friends on the right he has a real problem with telling things as they really are, because he sure as heck did not do so here. The article is literally riddled with errors – even claiming I run TJN. In fact I haven’t been an officer of it for some years and it has always been run by John Christensen.

Let's be fair here.  What Bob Bauman seems to be saying is that once you've been in a senior position in an organisation, you can never truly be considered independent of that organisation ever again.  The public will always think that you must  be tainted in some way by your relationships you formed in your earlier job and that you will always be able to pull some strings with your former colleagues.

Ritchie appears to be claiming that he disagrees, stating that, once you leave a place, that's it.  You can sever your allegiances straightaway and can start afresh either on your own or working for someone else.  Either way, your former affiliation is completely irrelevant.

What then should we make of Ritchie's earlier daft claims that the IASB is in the pocket of the Big Four firms?  Every single IASB member and IFRS Foundation member has no current affiliation with the Big Four.  Their processes are open and transparent.  So I guess this is another example of Ritchie enjoying very much pointing out the specks in other people's eyes while failing to notice the blooming great beam in his own.

Oh, and this:

Best to check your facts Bob – because getting the details wrong undermines all you say. And in this case everything you say is wrong.

Sayeth The Magnificent FactChecker himself.  Any details on double tax relief you'd care to address while you're in such a meticulous mood?

Tax gap latest - Dead Wood meets Redwood

Posted by Christie Malry on July 15, 2010 at 1:46 pm

Ritchie has tea with Redwood:

He discussed the issue of double tax relief and I could rapidly demonstrate how on the accounts based analysis I had done this could not be the basis for the tax gap I had highlighted.

The analysis in Ritchie's Tax Gap Briefing is flawed in respect of double tax relief.  I have proved it is flawed.  Either Ritchie has evidence that he's unwilling to disclose publicly or he's been able to pull the wool over Redwood's eyes by peddling the same erroneous lines of argument he tried in his Briefing.

If there is further evidence, why rely upon such shoddy working in Tax Gap Briefing in the first place?

We didn’t agree on all issues. I suspect we never will. But if others who like to comment on my work would like to stop fixating on whether my estimate is right to the last £1 or £2 billion (which it is not – it is an estimate after all)

Well, it wasn't me that said that the Tax Gap Briefing's estimate was "highly likely to be considerably more accurate than the estimate made by HM Revenue & Customs."  It's there on page 1 of Ritchie's own blinking document!

Anyway, I think the errors in Ritchie's estimate are rather more than £1 or £2 billion.

I'd say he's about £80 billion out.

And I'll probably stop fixating on the errors just as soon as he starts correcting them.

The true size of Britain's debts

Posted by Christie Malry on July 15, 2010 at 10:41 am

We all know that Britain's economy is bad.  But how bad?  This week, two reports have been published that aim to shed light on this vital question.

On Monday, the ICAEW published a report (which doesn't seem to be available currently from their website) which claims that the UK's balance sheet could have a further £1.13 trillion of liabilities over and above the headline public sector debt already published by the Office for National Statistics (ONS).

Then, on Wednesday the Independent published a front page splash in which it claimed that the ONS was now saying that public sector debt was now more like £4 trillion, about four times what it had previously published.

The ONS itemised the public sector's main liabilities as:

  • Future payments for the state old age pension: £1.1trn to £1.4trn
  • Unfunded public sector pensions for teachers, NHS staff and civil servants: £770bn to £1.2trn
  • Payments under private finance initiative contracts: £200bn
  • Contingent liabilities (eg bank deposit guarantees): £500bn
  • Nuclear power plant decommissioning: £45bn
  • Impact of financial sector interventions: £1trn to £1.5trn

Leaving aside the possibility of another financial meltdown that would leave the taxpayer with the liabilities of a substantial part of the banking system, the figures suggest that the realistic total liabilities of the public sector could be as much as £3.8trn (£3,800,000,000,000).

There are three big-ticket items there - state old age pensions, unfunded public sector pensionss and financial sector interventions.  The Indie report dismisses the possibility that the financial sector interventions will realise us nothing, which is probably a fair call.  Which leaves the two pension amounts.

Public sector pensions were covered well by the IEA/IOD report (even if the public sector unions hated it).  So let's ponder the state pension.

The government doesn't consider the state pension for people yet to retire to be a liability at all.  That's why it merrily talks about defaulting on its past promises to pay state pensions from 65.  However, the government is already facing opposition to its plans to raise the state pension age, and in practical terms it cannot completely welsh on its commitments.  It's what accountants call a constructive liability, and it's right that we should try to put a number on it.

Yet sovereign government liabilities aren't exactly like other liabilities, because we can always print more money and/or raise taxes.  So it's probably fair to say that the situation is complicated.  In that vein, we should applaud the work of the ICAEW and the Independent, while recognising that it's totally impossible to quantify our country's liabilities down to the last penny.

Ritchie's manifesto

Posted by Christie Malry on July 14, 2010 at 12:49 pm

A commentator over at Ritchie's gaff proposes the following mini manifesto.

to tax the rich, end free trade, renationalise industry and give the government huge power over the lives of the citizenry.

This looks like the sort of thing Ritchie might put forward himself.  In fact, he has made quite a lucrative career for himself by whoring himself out to union, left wing pressure groups, NGOs and other assorted busybodies in order to advocate increased taxes on the rich, the renationalisation of industry and giving government huge power over the lives of the citizenry (so long as it doesn't come anywhere near him).

Er, only Charles is describing the BNP.  Is Ritchie sure he's supporting the right party?

Of course, we should reflect on another of Ritchie's commentators, woolley, who observed:

“A bigot is a person obstinately or intolerantly devoted to his or her own opinions and prejudices. The correct use of the term requires the elements of intolerance, irrationality, and animosity toward those of differing beliefs.”

Just who could he possibly be talking about?

The four fatal flaws in "Why HM Revenue & Customs have got the Tax Gap wrong"

Posted by Christie Malry on July 14, 2010 at 10:26 am

 

Introduction

In June 2010, Richard Murphy released a Tax Briefing entitled Why HM Revenue & Customs have got the Tax Gap wrong (hereafter, "Tax Gap Briefing"). 

Some of the points made in Tax Gap Briefing were referred to in Parliament during the Finance Bill debate on 12 July.  David Gauke, perhaps drawing on material from this blog, pointed out some of the errors in Murphy's analysis.  However, Murphy still does not appear to accept the criticisms made:

But unfortunately all he picked up on were the minor points relating to double tax relief on corporation tax – affecting a tiny part (at most) of a £120 billion tax gap. Like many others on the right he seems more intent on analysing one sentence I wrote in The Missing Billions than actually addressing the issue.

Accordingly, this blog post aims to explain four fatal flaws in Richard Murphy's paper.  I will show that, as a result of these flaws, Richard Murphy's analysis cannot be relied upon in preparing an estimate of the tax gap.

Until Murphy corrects the errors in his analysis, HMRC's estimate of the tax gap, at £40bn, should be considered more reliable.

The four fatal flaws

The four flaws are:

  • Murphy fails to take account of double tax relief in his estimates. As a result, he incorrectly treats amounts which have been relieved as a deliberate part of government tax policy as if it were part of the tax gap.
  • Murphy uses an invalid methodology to analyse companies into 'small' and 'large'.  As a result, he draws erroneous conclusions as to the tax avoidance behaviour of small and large companies.
  • Murphy incorrectly considers all late payments to be part of the tax gap.  In doing so, he ignores the offsetting impact of taxes paid in one year that related to previous years, thereby overstating the tax gap.
  • Murphy's flawed logic treats all differences that are in his favour as validating his arguments and all differences that contradict his arguments as evidence of government error.  In addition, he concludes, inappropriately, in cases where official figures contradict each other that this somehow validates his estimates.  It does not.

There are many other minor errors in the paper.  There are also countless spelling and typographical errors which suggest that the document was not reviewed properly (if at all) prior to its publication.

Flaw 1 - Double tax relief

This section includes material from this blog post.

Double tax relief is a specific exemption from UK corporation (and, for individuals, income) tax for companies to ensure that companies which are resident in one jurisdiction but trade in another do not get taxed twice on those profits.  This is a result of the way that most countries tax companies and citizens: they tax their own residents on their worldwide income and they tax all others on income that arises in their jurisdiction.

Double tax relief is entirely deliberate.  As the HMRC International Manual explains:

Clearly, if businesses end up paying tax on the same income in more than one country, they will not want to do business overseas. Relieving double taxation is a means of removing barriers to international trade, to the operation of free and open markets and to the free movement of persons and of capital.

The way double tax relief works in the UK is by charging UK companies the excess (if any) of UK corporation tax over any foreign tax charged on profits earned overseas.  So, if a company trades abroad and earns profit of £100, on which foreign tax of £20 is charged and the UK tax would be £30, the company is liable for £10 (£30 - £20) in the UK.

In calculating the tax gap, HMRC has treated double tax relief as the acceptable use of a legitimate relief.  We know this, because Schedule T11.3, which Murphy uses as a source, specifically deducts double tax relief of £16,764 million 1 from total tax chargeable of £65,461 million 2 to arrive at a corporation tax payable figure of £47,731 million 3

Murphy's analysis of the tax gap refers to corporation tax payable (£47,731 million) rather than total tax chargeable (£65,461 million) 4.  Because this equates to an effective tax rate of 21.1% 5, Murphy concludes that there is widespread tax avoidance 6:

There is, based on this evidence, a tax gap in the corporate sector.

However, once you account for double tax relief, the apparent avoidance goes away.  Dividing total tax chargeable of £65,461 million by the total chargeable profits of £225,905 million 7 gives an effective tax rate of 29.0%, which is very similar to the UK large company corporation tax rate of 30.0% 8.

Murphy has briefly attempted to explain how he believes that his calculations are still valid.  His explanation, and my response to it, are included in this blog post.  I do not believe that his explanation in any way addresses the points raised here.

Flaw 2 - Analysis of small and large companies

This section includes material from this blog post.

Murphy has undertaken his own analysis of HMRC's Sch T11.5 in order to draw inferences about the avoidance behaviour of large and small companies 9.

Sch T11.5 provides information about gross and net trading profits by selected industries, together with their deductions and corporation tax payable.

Murphy has split these industries into "large companies" and "small companies" by calculating an average income chargeable to corporation tax (by dividing the total sector income chargeable to corporation tax by the number of companies in the sector).  He has then deemed "small companies" to be those sectors with an average income chargeable to corporation tax of less than £150,000.

Company sectors will include both large and small companies.  It's mathematically and logically invalid to attempt to split them in this way.  It cannot be done.  Murphy's methodology produces only "profitable industry sectors" and "unprofitable industry sectors".  More information would be needed from HMRC to prepare a split between large and small companies.

Because his method fails to produce "large companies" and "small companies", the deductions he draws about the tax avoidance behaviours of large and small companies 10 are invalid.

As pointed out here, he has even failed to follow his own methodology correctly.

Flaw 3 - Treatment of late payments

Murphy states that the tax gap in relation to late payments is £28 billion, not the £3 billion estimated by HMRC 11.  This is on the grounds that there are £28 billion of tax debtors as at March 2009, and HMRC's methodology is to recognise "late payment" in the tax gap.

However, this misinterprets HMRC's methodology.  The methodology clearly states that voluntary payment of taxes due in earlier payments is to be deducted from the gross tax gap in arriving at the net tax gap 12.

It is therefore a fallacy to include the entire £28 billion within the tax gap, as amounts received in respect of prior year taxes need to be knocked off it. An alternative approach is to recognise only that portion of tax debtors that are never expected to be received.  This is what HMRC have done.

The HMRC estimate is therefore significantly superior to Murphy's estimate.

Flaw 4 - Flawed logic

Murphy frequently makes use of flawed reasoning to justify his wild claims.  For example,he suggests that the HMRC figure for tax paid late is "just  £1.8 billion" 13 while "the Ministerial claim is ... £3 billion" 14.  Hence he concludes that the correct figure must be £28 billion 15.

With respect to personal avoidance, he notes that the HMRC figure is £1.1 billion 16 and that George Osborne has appeared to say that the avoidance figure for capital gains tax alone 17 exceeds £1 billion 18.  He therefore concludes that the Tax Research UK figure (of £13 billion) is "confirmed" 19.

Yet, when data appear to disprove his estimates,he merely says that "more work is needed to support the Tax Research UK figure" 20. In fact, the honest response would be to admit that the Tax Research UK estimates are wrong.

Despite apparently having little faith in government figures, Murphy is quick to pounce on figures that seem to accord with his estimates.  Hence,he claims that Osborne's statement "exactly confirm" his estimates 21.

Other comments

The briefing uses a great deal of emotive language, such as describing the minister's "errors", HMRC estimates being "outside the plausible expected range" 22,or being "highly unlikely to be a correct figure" 23.  Given the four fatal flaws in Murphy's analysis, these are litle more than value judgements. They are not supported by factual observations.

Credit is due to David Gauke for his rebuttal of Murphy's paper in the debate.  The tax gap is a vital issue to the UK economy and it is critical that policy decisions are based upon accurate, considered facts. Until these four fatal flaws are corrected,Murphy's paper is simply too unreliable to contribute to that debate.

Collaborative reviewing

Please help identify and fix further errors in Tax Gap Briefing by contributing to the collaborative version here.  You will need to sign up for a free a.nnotate account to add permanent comments.

Notes:

  1. Sch T11.3, Double tax relief, 2007-08, "Amount" column
  2. Sch T11.3, Total tax charge, 2007-08, "Amount" column
  3. Sch T11.3, Corporation tax payable, 2007-08, "Amount" column
  4. Tax Gap Briefing, table on p.11, "All industries" row / "Tax payable" column
  5. Ibid, "All industries" row / "Tax rate" column
  6. Ibid, p.12
  7. Sch T11.3, Total chargeable profits, 2007-08, "Amount" column
  8. The difference is explained by HMRC as being due to the marginal small company rate and the small companies' rate
  9. Tax Gap Briefing, p.11
  10. Tax Gap Briefing, pp. 11-12
  11. Tax Gap Briefing, p. 7
  12. Tax Gap Briefing, p.4
  13. Tax Gap Briefing,p.1
  14. Tax Gap Briefing,p.1
  15. Tax Gap Briefing,p.5
  16. Tax Gap Briefing,p.1
  17. It's not clear that this is in fact what Osborne means.  I have requested clarification from HM Treasury and await their reply.
  18. Tax Gap Briefing,p.2
  19. Tax Gap Briefing,p.8
  20. Tax Gap Briefing, p.2
  21. Tax Gap Briefing,p.2
  22. Tax Gap Briefing,p.15
  23. Tax Gap Briefing,p.15

Who is the first person you think of?

Posted by Christie Malry on July 14, 2010 at 8:40 am

The perennial Chris Dillow makes an interesting observation.

Second, some people – often wealthy white men – have a higher sense of their own entitlements than others, and so are quicker to vent their demands than others.

Do you think he had someone in mind?

Usain Bolt beaten at last... by HMRC

Posted by Christie Malry on July 13, 2010 at 11:33 am

Accountancy Age reports today that Usain Bolt may not race in the UK because he's on the run from the UK tax authority.

The original story came from the Daily Mail, which explains that:

Bolt wants to race and ...  is even prepared to pay Britain's 50 per cent tax on the £166,000 he is likely to receive as an appearance fee. But what his advisers refuse to accept is an appearance that could cost him more than it earns.

Under present tax rules, if Bolt competes once in Britain and only five races elsewhere, the British taxman will demand one-sixth of everything he earns, whether in Britain or not. His taxable earnings would not only include his considerable appearance fees but also his hefty endorsement contracts.

Usain BoltThe case here is Agassi v Robinson. Agassi, yep that Agassi, had argued that he should only pay taxes on earnings from tournaments actually played in the UK. The taxman disagreed and argued, successfully, that HMRC should also be allowed a share of profits from Agassi's overseas service company into which promotional and sponsorship income are paid, on the grounds that these support his fleeting appearances in the UK.

Unfortunately, this also means they're likely to argue the same for Bolt, and his advisors don't consider that a risk worth taking.  As the Mail article makes clear, government tends to exempt participants in major tournaments - a stance with which I don't agree.

But, it does seem pretty unsatisfactory that we can't find some middle ground here.  Companies have no problem with this, because they can compartmentalise their operations using separate legal entities.  The taxman can then only argue about transfer pricing.  Bolt, on the other hand, is truly one of a kind.  He cannot split himself up legally, so falls foul of the legislation.  Instead of totally exempting sports stars or scaring them away because of our tax rules, can't we find another way - perhaps legislating to make it clear that they're only liable for money earned from participating in competitions physically in the UK?