Why can't government budget like companies?

Posted by Christie Malry on January 1, 2012 at 11:24 am

So, a new year begins. And for companies operating on a calendar year-end basis, that means a new budget period begins too.

In setting a new budget, companies will either build on what they prepared for the previous year,  or they'll start from scratch in what is called 'zero-based' budgeting. Either way, typically companies will seek to set realistic targets for sales and costs and add challenging targets to incentivise and stretch employees. In one company I used to audit, the finance director would add in random gobs of profit to his business units at the final stage of budget preparation. Although he didn't know exactly how this profit would be earned, it provided a handy incentive to the business to perform ahead of the previous year.

Through the eyes of business, government budget setting must look like complete lunacy. While a business aims to earn more and spend less, government views it as a badge of honour to spend more and more every year. Even in a time of supposed austerity, government spending is still increasing year on year.

So it would be nice for government to make itself a New Year's Resolution. That, over and above the announced austerity 'cuts' (if indeed they ever happen), it will cut government department spending in real terms year on year. How those cuts are implemented is up to the department concerned. But, like any good business, it should be expected to find efficiency savings and deliver them to taxpayers.

This might be viewed as right-wing and ideological. It's not; it's driven by the observation that, without downward pressure on budgets, there is no incentive to seek efficiencies. Without that incentive, it's virtually impossible to deliver them, especially in the face of opposition from unionised employees. Typically budget cuts are portrayed as hurting those who receive services, without considering the pain already inflicted on those who pay for them. As we all receive state services and most of us pay, we cannot go on like this. So, how about it, George?

New Labour's Worldcom style fraud

Posted by Christie Malry on May 16, 2010 at 9:39 am

Jeff Randall, writing in The Telegraph, makes the following observation:

The "success" of New Labour's economic expansion was a sham, based on a simple formula: spend more than we earn; pass off consumption as investment; wallow in self congratulation. Through the "boom" times of 2003-2007, all of Mr Brown's budgets involved massive borrowing. He told us we were getting richer, while in effect making us poorer.

This was, of course, the modus operandi of another major fraud on the people - Bernie Ebbers's deception at Worldcom. The trick is very simple. Ordinarily, things a business spends are expensed. That means they reduce profit. However, some expenditures lead to ongoing benefit for the company. For example, a new machine might help support business activities for many years to come. These types of expenditure are different to expenses, and accounting recognises this. Instead of reducing profit, they are recorded on the balance sheet and written down over the period that they continue to be useful to the company - often several years.

Zombies killing Wall StreetBernie Ebbers oversaw a massive exercise in reclassifying ordinary business expenses as capital expenditure. Instead of reducing profits, these costs were piled on the balance sheet; a sort of accountant's "sweeping it under the carpet". And it did indeed delay judgement day, until finally the SEC, perplexed at how Worldcom could be profitable while AT&T was not, asked too many questions. Such frauds cannot work forever, because ultimately either the company runs out of cash or it must account to its investors for the spiralling capital items on its balance sheet.

What's amusing about Worldcom is the comparatively trivial sum of money involved - some $11bn in overinflated assets.

Compare that to Gordon Brown''s toxic economic legacy - a budget deficit of some £160bn in one year and a string of deficit budgets before that during a time of extraordinary economic boom.

Brown was also master of redefining ordinary expenditure as if it were a capital item. He loved to talk about spending in terms of 'investment' in public services when in fact it was actually staff salaries.

Bernie Ebbers is currently serving a 25 year jail term as punishment for his accounting crimes. Brown has been shuffled out of power but remains an MP. When will he get a proper day of reckoning?

How accountancy bodies survived the financial crisis

Posted by Christie Malry on May 8, 2010 at 11:17 am

Accountants may be pondering how their professional bodies are faring as Britain emerges from recession. You need wonder no more, because it's their annual reporting season, so we can assess their performance.

Having flicked through a couple of reports, I'm struck by how the accounting bodies seem to have emerged unscathed from the crisis by putting the squeeze on their own staff:

ICAS

ICAS's summary and full financial statements are available here and here.

In 2010, ICAS staff will be getting no pay rise at all, following on from a year where they got 2.5%:

ICAS staff employee settlement 2010

ICAS's directors weren't so unfortunate, however. Anton Colella, the chief executive, got a £41,000 bonus, and the other directors shared a pool of £45,000, up from £37,000 in 2008.

ICAS directors pay 2009

ICAEW

ICAEW's annual report and accounts are available here and here.

There's a similar story at the ICAEW. Only theirs is more brazen. First, they tell us just how tight things were in 2009, with staff having their pay frozen:

ICAEW employee pay rise 2009

Things weren't so tight that they couldn't find a bit of money to pay their directors what's rather euphemistically described as "deferred variable pay".

ICAEW directors pay 2009

Er, so you mean a "bonus" right? Isn't this a bizarre bit of obfuscation from a body which promotes the merits of transparent reporting?

Perhaps they want to hide the fact that, while staff received no pay rise for the year, directors walked away with nearly a quarter of a million quid in bonuses.

Cadbury law - more socialist thievery

Posted by Christie Malry on April 9, 2010 at 11:12 pm

Newsnight has reported tonight that Labour is to include a 'Cadbury law' in its manifesto. The basic idea here is to make it more difficult for foreign companies to buy UK companies.

Under Cadbury's Law, it would be harder for overseas takeovers of UK companies to happen - requiring two thirds of shareholders to agree, not 50% as it is now.

First of all, this is typical Labour fare - as Macbeth might put it, a tale told by an idiot, full of sound and fury signifying nothing. In the case of Kraft's takeover of Cadbury, some 75% of Cadbury's shareholders voted in favour of the deal. Even under Labour's proposal, the deal would still have gone ahead.

Cadbury's creme eggsAnd by what right does Labour interfere with private property anyway? Cadbury Schweppes, as a public limited company, belonged to its shareholders. Before Kraft made its bid public, Cadbury shares were trading at about £5.00 each. The final deal valued Cadbury shares at over £8.00, in the space of about four months. If you own something and someone offers you nearly double your money for it, shouldn't you be free to decide whether to sell it?

Labour's unease comes because some workers lost their jobs. The unions are asking them to "do something" and are angry at what they see as Kraft's addiction to closing British chocolate factories they've bought. Yet Cadbury was already closing the factory; Kraft had merely tried to make the deal sweeter to politicians by promising to try to keep it open. When they finally got control of Cadbury, they realised it was too far committed to the closure.

Making companies more difficult to take over will increase the strength of management at the expense of shareholders. That could mean bosses getting enriched and savers/pensioners getting poorer. Gordon Brown doesn't have good form on pensions; instinctively he seems to lack empathy with ordinary people and their struggle to save enough for their pensions.

Yet, so many takeovers are virtually unanimous, that it's possible that - as with Kraft/Cadbury - the change won't make any difference. But it's the perfect diversion to keep the unions sweet and try to hoodwink voters.

What did Gordon Brown achieve?

Posted by Christie Malry on April 6, 2010 at 7:39 pm

Gordon BrownSo he's finally called the election, for May 6. History is likely to be very unkind to Gordon Brown. It will remember his temper, his appalling rudeness, his perpetual temptation to put party above country, his paralysing dithering, his Machiavellian scheming against Tony Blair and others.

I don't buy the Brownian miracle. When his wife says that he "loves his country" in an attempt to boost his reputation, I want to retch. But in the interests of fairness, I wanted to lay down, from the perspective of someone to the right of the political centre, what good things he has achieved in his 13 years as Chancellor then as PM. For his own reputation's sake, it would be best if he does not win another term. It's impossible to see how Labour, given how it got here, can take the steps necessary to fix our broken country. And, indeed, Brown blew his best opportunity to make a good name for himself when he apparently ruled himself out of the running for President of the World Bank.

So, when we overlook the bad, what's left?

There's a single item for which I give Brown credit. He was the architect of Labour's golden rules - to borrow only to invest over an economic cycle and to keep borrowing below 40% of GDP. The UK's golden rules were vital in 1997 in convincing a sceptical public that Labour could be trusted with the economy. But they were also very good for the country. The rules were a fantastic discipline on politicians of all colours. In fact, had he stuck to his rules instead of perpetually cheating, we would have been much better prepared for the recession. As it was, he couldn't resist manipulating the dates of the economic cycle and making wildly optimistic projections of future growth rates. And then he let the 40% limit slide.

I hope that a future government, of whatever party, will see fit to reintroduce the golden rules and to stick to them, come what may. If only Brown had followed the golden rules as if his very life depended on it, we would have been in much better economic shape today.

Yes, I didn't give Brown credit for giving the Bank of England freedom to set interest rates, one of the first actions of the 1997 Labour government and the policy which is typically painted as their finest achievement. Unfortunately, I can't see past the subsequent meddling in interest rate definition and the trouble low-interest finance has gotten us into.

Let profit into education

Posted by Christie Malry on April 4, 2010 at 7:43 am

The Observer gets very upset this morning about the very idea of allowing schools to make a profit.

However, there has always been one part of state education that has stood apart from the forces of the free market. That is learning – the process by which professionals help children understand the world around them, where knowledge is handed down, where friendships can bloom and character blossom.

Mighty rhetoric indeed. But it misses the point. There's simply no reason why we can't allow profit-making enterprises to run schools.

There are two levers that govern whether an operation makes a profit - what money it brings in, and what it spends that money on.

School classroom on the first dayOn the income side, our state schools are hamstrung. Their income is largely determined by local grants, which are themselves heavily influenced by money given to them by the Department for Children, Schools and Families. In good times, the money goes up, and in bad times, it doesn't go up. Schools can't do much about this. They can ask parents to contribute extra amounts through a 'friends' system, but they don't have control over where that money gets spent. They aren't allowed to run school meals on a for-profit basis. They aren't allowed to run school trips on a for-profit basis. They aren't allowed to make money from school uniforms. They're basically only allowed to cover their costs on school clubs. There's just not a lot they can do.

On the costs side, their single biggest cost is staff. Staff pay scales are set by agreement with unions; the only control the school has is over where in the scale a particular teacher is. Once staff have been paid, there's not a lot left to spend on anything else. There's certainly very limited scope for discretionary spending. And, because previous secretaries of state for education have gotten tired of being beaten up in the House of Commons over class sizes, or special needs, or the curriculum, all sorts of activities are now prescribed by law. That has restricted their ability to innovate. As has the crushing grip of the unions over how teaching should be run.

Additionally, we are hamstrung by nice-sounding but idiotic truisms. The biggest of all of these is the anti-selection dogma, which prevents most state schools from selecting their intake. Ostensibly to prevent schools from taking the cream of a generation and leaving behind the dregs (if you'll allow me to mix a metaphor horribly), it prevents schools from specialising into things that might actually help them. But it's daft. It means you can select a child based on their sporting ability, but an extraordinarily bright child must be educated in the same classes as their less-bright peers, simply because it sounds good when we say "they'll raise overall standards". We know they won't; "standards" will only drag them down.

Pencils, notebooksIt's also a bit silly. There are private universities in the world, which are allowed to run without any fear that they'll let standards slip (Why would they? It would only hurt their own admissions). And we allow private training providers, which seem to do a good job in coaching individuals and providing training for businesses.

In most other worldly problems, the ability to draw a profit has been our salvation in problems of this sort. Individuals have been incentivised to solve these kinds of problem because they, personally, gain from being the ones to crack them. Alternatively, an individual with vision can inspire capital providers to supply the necessary funds to create a solution. The state-run school has neither incentive nor ability to do this.

The Observer article admits that private enterprises have often proven themselves better at getting money to 'sweat' than public bodies, and that this ought to change. But, as the saying goes, if wishes were horses beggars would ride. We all wish that the public sector was as good at spending our money as the private sector is. But it simply isn't, and we should bow to the inevitable instead of trying to pray it away.

In these cash-constrained times, we should shake off the perceived wisdoms that surround education. We can always use regulation to knock off the the sharpest edges of the free-market, where it offends our collective sensibilities. We can - and should - allow schools to turn a profit.

Update: What takes me over 700 words, Worstall can do in three.

A brief history of double entry book-keeping #6

Posted by Christie Malry on March 16, 2010 at 12:06 am

Josiah WedgwoodEpisode 6 starts with the issue of employee costs, which Jolyon Jenkins portrays as "a headache for any manager." However, it's all in a day's work for a management accountant, and this episode focuses on the development of the discipline.

David Oldroyd (Newcastle University) says that the idea of holding agents accountable is old. For example, when managing medieval estates, the manager would have to account for the costs he had incurred. However by the 18th Century, more modern forms of cost accounting were starting to be developed.

There are two main sources. The first is the books of Wedgwood Pottery, run by the imposing figure of Josiah Wedgwood, who could be considered the "grandfather" of cost accounting. Trevor Boyns (Cardiff University) describes Wedgwood's 1772 crisis. Wedgwood couldn't sell all their stocks, which were starting to back up in the warehouse. What should they do - cut back production and lay off workers? Reduce price? But if so, by how much? Josiah Wedgwood analysed the costs of his production and found that there were indeed some areas where they could reduce the price yet still be profitable. Having got the 'bug' for cost analysis, he then went on to use this sort of information again.

The second company is Boulton & Watt. Steven Toms (University of York) explains. Boulton & Watt was a factory-based manufacturing company, and found it needed better accounting methods. It also needed to deal with the cultural shift of managing the workforce. There were lots of people who were working in factories for the first time, and many family units working in factories. Boulton & Watt developed a form of cost accounting to manage them, so it could determine (1) how long it should take to complete a particular task, (2) how to price that task fairly in order to work out a profit margin, and (3) the level of bonuses to pay to staff for beating targets. Trevor Boyns sees this as evidence of using cost information to make management decisions.

However, Keith Hoskin (University of Warwick) isn't sure. It's not clear to him that the industrial revolution is a managerial revolution. There is cost control for product & labour. And there are cost-based contracts to ensure you make a profit. Although businesses are managing profitability better, they're not actually doing management with accounting.

Hoskin cites the example of the Springfield Armory in the US. Hoskin subscribes to Michel Foucault's view of management being power exercised through surveillance. Management isn't just cost control, it's perpetual surveillance and appraisal. Under this measure you don't see proper use of management acctg in Britain in the 18th century; it began in the US. Indeed, Hoskin goes further to suggest that the US's strength is derived from its development of management accounting practices, which took it from a sleepy micro-industrial state to global superpower in less than a century.

Is Peter Hargreaves fit for purpose?

Posted by Christie Malry on March 9, 2010 at 9:36 pm

Accountancy Age publishes an extraordinary rant by Peter Hargreaves, the Chief Executive of Hargreaves Lansdown.  Like all good rants, it's strong on rhetoric, but weak on factual content.

Something has perplexed me over the years. I hear accountants moaning about the profligacy of the Institute and fees but don’t complain to the president. Accountants are supposed to be frugal and look after both their and their clients’ money. It is a disgrace when the ICAEW doesn’t set an example and show similar prudence.

The accounts of the ICAEW reveal several interesting facts. 600 people are employed on an average salary of £45,000 per annum. Most commercial organisations are moving to defined contribution pensions but they still have a defined benefit scheme.

According to its accounts, the ICAEW closed its defined benefit scheme to new entrants in 2000. And the scheme will be closing to future accruals too.

I am surprised how much the chief executive pays himself for presiding over this overstaffed bureaucracy (in 2008 £425,000 plus the final salary scheme).

Michael Izza joined the ICAEW in 2002. I would imagine it's very unlikely indeed that he's in the ICAEW's final salary scheme, given that it closed two years before he joined them. And I don't suppose Izza will want to heed advice on taking a pay cut from a man whose own salary, according to Hargreaves Lansdown's accounts, was £1,016,953.

The ICAEW it appears has acquiesced to a few cranks who feel the Institute should provide the unnecessary. Information on the economy, which most members never read, is probably done better elsewhere, not least by the four major firms of chartered accountants in this country. The Institute should have a limited role and chartered accountants wherever they may be should attempt to restrain the excesses. They should be confined to:

  • maintenance of the register of members;
  • examination of potential new chartered accountants;
  • maintenance of professional standards and discipline of the occasional member that errs;
  • communication to chartered accountants on accounting standards and other relevant factors which chartered accountants require in their job in industry or in their profession;
  • advice on how to charge for their services.

I see no advantage to the members in England and Wales in having a Singapore office and various other offices throughout the world. I would have thought a hundred staff maximum could do the job that is required.

And what does HL do, exactly? It charges people for looking after their money for them. It's a business that shouldn't need more than 100 people to run. How many employees do they have? Why... 600, according to their accounts. If Hargreaves wants to be part of a smaller institute, he's welcome to apply for membership of ICAS. If they'll have him. Oh, and ICAS costs more than ICAEW or ACCA. Their average salary is approximately £37,000 per year which, considering they're in Scotland, is basically equivalent to the ICAEW's average salary.

It's easy to bash the professional institutes, but they provide a vital service to the UK's 300,000 accountants. They give us the right to call ourselves chartered (or certified) accountants. That's the deal. Anything on top is icing. We need them to keep the exams up to date, we need them to check up on accountants and their practices, we need them to provide some basic services, and we need them to lobby on our behalf to regulators. That stuff costs, but we're better off with it than without it.

No-one likes paying subscriptions, but it's a necessary cost of doing what we do. I am very proud to be a chartered accountant. If you don't like the deal, resign your membership. If you really get nothing from it, why torture yourself by paying "too much" for something that you don't value?

Oh, and, surprise, surprise - Ken Frost, "the living brand" and proud owner of the title of the accountancy profession's third biggest idiot thinks it's an "excellent piece".

ACCA publishes research on the management of tax knowledge

Posted by Christie Malry on March 2, 2010 at 7:35 pm

I got the following from the ACCA today:

A new report, by John Hasseldine, Kevin Holland and Pernill van der Rijt, has been published as ACCA Research Report No. 112.

The report focuses on the process of the management of tax knowledge within companies. Taxation influences operating and financing decisions by the direct imposition of a tax charge and indirectly though associated compliance costs. However, effective tax-knowledge management can allow companies to reduce the adverse effects of taxation. This study of the process involved will be of direct relevance to tax payers, tax practitioners and policy makers.

You can read more about this and other ACCA research here or you can download the full report here.

Sweden's word to the wise

Posted by Christie Malry on February 17, 2010 at 12:16 am

Swedish flagThere was more fascinating stuff on tonight's PM - this time an interview from Göran Persson, the architect of Sweden's recovery plan from the early 1990s. Sweden, you might recall, was in fairly choppy waters - a bursting asset bubble, mass unemployment, a currency crisis and a chronic budget deficit that couldn't be shrugged away. So the new government had to take very decisive action, which meant tax rises and public sector cuts aplenty.

Today, Sweden's economy and social model are seen as a triumph by commentators from both left and right. So their recent history is worth studying.

The best bit is when Persson warns the UK about trying any funny business:

Don't try any tricks, any book-keeping tricks, because the market is watching you.

You can hear the full interview here (as it's a BBC link, it may die after 23 February, so be quick).